McLuhan
Meets the Master: scribal devices in Great Domesday Book
The National
Archives,
The publication of a facsimile of T. S.
Eliot’s typewritten manuscript of The
Waste Land was a literary sensation in 1971. It was a revelation, at least
for the general public, that the work was not created whole but came into being
through a protracted process of recension. Eliot
himself, of course, was central to the process. Crossings out, re-arrangements,
and re-writings are everywhere. But it was the role of Ezra Pound as redactor,
editor, and critic that caught the imagination. Laid bare for the first time
was the making of a modern masterpiece.
The episode is a comforting one
for me, and I suspect it may be so for you too. We, as Domesday scholars, are
not the only ones who obsess about manuscripts. The autograph
is always of especial importance: it gives a unique insight into the mind of
the author and its minutiae are thus invaluable clues to its workings. I make
no excuse, then for proposing to take a look at the layout of the GDB. We now
know that the scribe of the work was no mere abbreviator. He conceived of its
form, in so far as it differed from what went before it, and had to struggle
with his data to realize the programme that he had set for himself. It is in
its own right a masterpiece. The workings of its originator’s mind tell us as
much about his aims as the society that he sought to represent.
The historiography is, of course,
daunting. In 1986 David Bates listed some 1847 works in his Domesday
bibliography; there are many thousands more today. The study of the manuscript
has itself almost become a sub-specialty. There have been extensive
examinations of the materials employed. Discoveries have continued to be made,
as Nancy Bell has demonstrated this morning. We now know so much more about
scribal preliminaries. Detailed studies of prickings
and rulings have been of fundamental importance to understanding the chronology
of writing. The order of entries has long been recognized as an indication of
the sources employed and the stratigraphy of writing
has more recently provided an insight into the developing understanding of his
materials by the scribe. It may seem that there is little more of worth to say.
However, at the risk of appearing to be the archetypical über-Domesday
geek, I want to suggest that one area has been relatively ignored. I shall
argue that the GDB scribe used certain conventions in the way in which he laid
out his work which indicate the sources that he employed and, by implication,
the status of the land described.
Some thirty years ago both Henry Loyn and Sir James Holt drew attention to the utility of
the manuscript in terms of its layout. GDB, arguably unlike its sources, was
written for reference; it was designed as a database. As such it had state of
the art finding devices and data retrieval systems. Yes, it was sensibly set
out. In the first place, it was divided into handy county divisions and an
index was provided at the beginning of each to provide a guide to landholders.
A two-column format was adopted at the outset. The primary purpose was no doubt
efficient use of the parchment, but the visibility of the data was probably
also a consideration. Several devices were used to draw the eye to the
important information. Chapters were numbered and the headings were written in
red ink in large rustic capitals, while the names of individual manors were
entered in similar capitals in black and highlighted in red. It was, then, a
simple matter to find out what any particular lord held in a shire or check up
on the details of any particular estate that he held.
This format is more or less
consistently maintained throughout GDB. Its utility was such that an attempt
was retrospectively made to mark up LDB in the same way. Loyn
and Holt were right to point out these characteristics, but there are also
other scribal conventions which are equally significant that escaped their
notice. Early on in the drafting of the
All that is
obvious from a cursory inspection of the manuscript. What is less appreciated is that
the scribe also distinguished manorial entries from the rest by using a square
initial capital letter as opposed to a rustic one for subordinate entries. The
usage is quite deliberate, for on two separate occasions, significantly in the
Cambridgeshire and Bedfordshire folios, he changed one form to another. It is,
then, the more interesting that, unlike with marginal M, B, and S, the scribe
continued to use square and rustic capitals with purpose in different contexts
throughout GDB. The account of the bishop of
The chapter has of late excited
much interest since it appears to have been largely drafted by the
The seigneurial returns of many
religious houses influenced the form of their corresponding chapters in GDB, if
not so drastically as here, because they too tended to have private
jurisdictions. But if the account of the lands of the
For a third example from the lands
of a tenant-in-chief, we can turn to the Leicestershire folios, probably the
last to be written, Geoffrey de la Guerche held the
manor of Melton Mowbray with eight members in the surrounding area. Again, the caput is marked by a square capital and
the dependents by rustic ones.
In these three examples, taken
from different stages in the writing of GDB, the distinctive letter forms
reflect manorial structure. The convention is widely used where there are
extensive manors and is therefore common in the lands of the king and the
church throughout GDB. It can be a useful indicator of tenurial ties where they
are not otherwise explicit. Otherwise, the device may denote groups of manors
or holdings within larger units. In the Wiltshire chapter of the
This particular usage is of
especial interest, for it highlights a phenomenon which is only otherwise
widely attested by the so-called ‘multiple manor entry’. Two or more
interdependent manors are frequently described together throughout Domesday
Book, but the form is usually confined to dependent tenements in the same
place. Wider groups are occasionally noted, as, for example, in
These estates were close to one another and
they may conceivably have been constituted as a tenurial group in 1086. It
should be noted, however, that each had their own demesne ploughs at that time
and they were held by different lords in 1066, in this case probably two king’s
thegns. It is, then, perhaps more likely that the use
of capitals reflects the sources that the scribe employed. This is certainly
apparent where he followed a discrete schedule. The account of the lands of the
bishop of
The Staffordshire folios provide a
second example. At the end of the king’s chapter there is a cursory account of
thirty-three parcels of land, all of which commence with a rustic letter. As a
note at the end indicates, these estates were waste; ploughland
figures were supplied postscriptally for the first
fifteen entries, but otherwise only the TRE lords are noted. Wasted lands are
recorded in much the same form in the
Perhaps, then, the distinctive use
of capitals in Richard fitzGilbert’s Surrey chapter
is primarily related to a hundredally arranged
schedule akin to ICC, the main source of the Cambridgeshire folios. There are
certainly other characteristics of the diplomatic of the
The minutiae of scribal practice,
then, probably lead us most immediately to the sources of the GDB text. These
in their turn not only indicate the records that the inquest generated but also
its concerns. We have already noted some that are not otherwise extant in the
Domesday corpus or have not been previously identified. Nevertheless, in so far
as schedules encompass lands with a common identity, whatever that might be,
the device can also be a marker of status. What we make of any particular case
will depend on local circumstances. Some will undoubtedly be mistakes. We
cannot assume that the three corrections we have noted are the sum total of the
scribe’s errors. Nevertheless, it is clear that his usage is generally
purposeful. I shall illustrate the interpretative possibilities of the data and
its potential for a deeper understanding of the society of late
eleventh-century
Grantham nestles in a valley at
the confluence of the River Witham and the Mowbeck in
the Kesteven division of
A detailed examination of the
Domesday account of the manor indicates that it was anything but. Letter forms
provide the decisive clues. What is immediately apparent is that the scribe
experienced considerable difficulties in writing the account. He seems to have
found his first attempt at describing Grantham itself unsatisfactory, for he
deleted the entry and only subsequently entered the present text after he had
written up the rest of the account. Unlike in his normal practice, he entered
the soke in three distinct sequences each separated by a blank line. The five
entries of the first section are explicitly said to be soke of Grantham. Nevertheless, they all exhibit characteristics of manorial entries.
Whereas in the normal course of events, one would expect rustic initials and
undifferentiated place-names, all but one of the initial letters are square in
form, all the place-names are rubricated and four are
written in rustic capitals. Finally, the last, Great Ponton,
is marked with a marginal M and S, a TRE lord is recorded as is the norm for a
manorial entry, and it is stated that ‘This land is now soke of Grantham’.
Great Ponton
had clearly been a manor in its own right in 1066: its lord had been Queen Edith.
The peculiarities of the account of Grantham begin to make sense. The soke of
this former manor can be identified as the second section of the sokeland belonging to Grantham in 1086 which immediately
follows the Ponton entry. Beginning with a rubric that
acts as a summary, the account is self-evidently derived from a separate
schedule and, unlike the land in the first section,
its forms are entirely consistent with dependent lands. In all ten entries, the
initial letters are rustic in form and the place-names are not distinguished
from the rest of the text. The third section, consisting of a single parcel of
land in Skillington, is identical in form, but its
tenurial context in 1066 is unclear.
The manor and soke of Grantham, as
represented in Domesday Book, were, then, post-Conquest creations. In 1066 the
estate would seem to have had been confined to Grantham itself and four further
parcels of sokeland. The forms of these entries,
however, suggest that they too were or had formerly been akin to manors. No TRE
lords or tenants are recorded, but the text does provide clues that they were
held by thegns who owed service to Grantham. The
first piece of evidence comes from an entry in the
It is clear from all this that sometime
before the Conquest Grantham was not a manor with a seigneurial borough
attached, but something more akin to a county borough. The context
in which it came into being, and its subsequent transformation into a soke, is
beyond the scope of this paper. Suffice it to say that Grantham was a young
settlement in 1086: as Domesday Book indicates, it had no fields of its own and
what territory it had was squeezed into the corner of the minor settlement of Houghton.
Like
The anomalous letter forms in the
account of the soke of Grantham alert us to a complex history to which the
Domesday scribe was apparently privy. What sources were at his disposal is
unclear: the level of detail goes beyond that of the immediate concerns of the
Domesday inquest as the expansive description of Grantham itself illustrates. The
fact goes to show, nevertheless, that the survey of the royal demesne was very
different from that of the tenants-in-chief that followed it. Distinctive
letter forms may often hint at processes that cannot be recovered. What is
clear is that they have meaning. They need to be noticed and taken seriously,
the more so when they do not conform to what might be expected.
If I had time, I could talk about
other devices, such as blank lines and the paragraphos,
which were employed by the scribe to layout of his text. They too are used with
purpose and are also an eloquent testimony to sources and the like. But I do
not have time, so I shall move to a conclusion. As a child of the sixties, and
with a nod in the direction of Marshall McLuhan, I
conclude that the medium is the message, or at least an important part of it. Our
editions and translations of GDB are all deficient in failing to recognize it.
Farley, in the editio princeps, came
closest in trying to represent the forms of GDB. But even with the resources of
Record Type, he could not, or chose not to, differentiate square letters from
rustic. The reprint of his text has done even more violence to the manuscript
by suppressing blank lines to save space. The Alecto translation recognized the
importance of the general layout, preserving blank lines and folios alike, but
again fails to represent differences in initial letters.
This failure to recognize scribal
conventions is one of the reason that it is proposed
to set up a Domesday Texts Project. This initiative aims to produce a new
edition of GDB, along with all the other texts of the Domesday corpus. Amazingly
for such a major corpus, only a small part is available in a fully extended Latin
text and none of that is machine readable. The new edition will remedy the
omission. All variations in the hands, such as additions,
deletions, and interlineations, will be represented, along with variant letter
forms, rubrication, marginal marks, and the like. The
resulting text will represent both content and form in a searchable format. The
resource, it is hoped, will do justice to a consummate scribe who too, in his
own way, coded his work to organize it and load it with meaning. The Domesday text
is less tentative than the manuscript of Eliot’s
©David Roffe 2011